U.S. and Hong Kong (1985-1997)

A REPORT TO CONGRESS ON CONDITIONS IN HONG KONG
AS OF 03/31/93

As required by Sec. 301 of
the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act of 1992
Sec. 301 REPORTING REQUIREMENT

Not later than March 31, 1993, March 31, 1995, March 31, 1997, March 31, 1998, March 31, 1999, and March 31, 2000, the Secretary of State shall transmit to the Speaker of the House of Representatives and the Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations of the Senate a report on conditions in Hong Kong of interest to the United States.

(1) Significant Developments

Significant developments in United States relations with Hong Kong, including a description of agreements that have entered into force between the United States and Hong Kong.

(A) Economic and Commercial

Hong Kong is the 13th largest trading partner of the United States, with two-day trade exceeding US $18 billion in 1992. American exports approached US $9 billion in 1992 and averaged 20 percent annual growth during the period 1987-91. Hong Kong imposes no tariffs on imports except for duties on alcohol and some luxury goods, and has virtually no non-tariff barriers.

Hong Kong's major purchases from the United States include computers, telecommunications equipment, agricultural goods and food stuffs. It is the largest market in the world for American agricultural products on a per capita basis, and a major seller of textiles, toys, and consumer electronics.

U.S. and foreign firms are free to invest and set up businesses in Hong Kong with minimal government interference. U.S. direct investment in the territory is about US $7 billion and is primarily concentrated in finance and trade. As the gateway to the booming south China region and southeast Asia, Hong Kong serves as the regional headquarters for over 250 American firms. The American Chamber of Commerce, with over 1000 U.S. and non-U.S. corporate members, is the largest business organization of its kind outside of the United States. The United States is the leading overseas supplier to the Hong Kong government for goods which are purchased according to the rules of the GATT government procurement code.

American firms got off to a good start in winning certain key consultancies for the development of Hong Kong's massive new airport project, but U.K. and U.K.-affiliated local firms have since won over 70 percent of the major contracts for construction and design projects. Airport authorities expect U.S. suppliers to compete well in the bidding for advanced airport equipment and ground services contracts, although for the latter, U.S. firms are grappling with entrenched current monopoly suppliers, who wish to extend their privileges to the new airport.

In other major projects, General Electric Corporation won a US $400 million contract to supply turbines to China Light and power (CLP), Hong Kong's major electric power company. ARCO won a major contract to supply natural gas by underseas pipeline from Hainan island to CLP's planned natural gas fired power stations. A consortium including the American firm Sea-Land was offered the contract to develop Container Terminal Number Nine.

Trade in textiles and apparel has sparked friction between the United States and Hong Kong recently. Some American critics claim that the Hong Kong authorities have not done enough to halt large quantities of Chinese apparel from being shipped to the United States fraudulently under Hong Kong's quota. Hong Kong authorities counter that they take their responsibilities seriously and implement a tough enforcement regime, which resulted, during 1992, in 312 successful prosecutions and over US $2 million in fines for cases of textiles origin fraud involving shipments to the United States. The Hong Kong government offers rewards for information leading to uncovering textiles fraud and has formed a special task force to step up inspections of suspect firms and consignments.

(B) Visits

Reflecting close bilateral ties, senior U.S. government officials from both the executive and legislative branches regularly visit Hong Kong. From the executive branch, these included then Secretary of Commerce Barbara Franklin who visited in December, 1992. Ivan Selin, Chairman of the Nuclear Regulatory Commission, came in January, 1993. Since October 1992, fourteen members of Congress have visited the territory for meetings with its senior officials.

(C) Law Enforcement Cooperation

United States law enforcement agencies enjoy excellent cooperation with their Hong Kong counterparts in many areas, including the growing problem of Asian organized crime.

Bilateral cooperation helped break up a major international fraudulent credit card ring and a U.S. dollar counterfeit ring in February. Cooperation in the fight against narcotics smuggling and drug money laundering also is fruitful. In 1992, 15 individual were extradited form Hong Kong to the United States. Fourteen of the cases were drug-related. This included a major international heroin trafficker, who had smuggled 380 kilograms of heroin to the United States in 1987. Under a bilateral agreement which came into effect in January 1991, the two parties "grant to each other assistance in the freezing, restraining, seizure, forfeiture and confiscation of the proceeds and instrumentalities of drug trafficking." More than US $25 million in drug-related assets have been seized in both the United States and Hong Kong under this agreement.

There is a growing problem of smuggling of Chinese illegal aliens to the United States, with Hong Kong companies and individuals substantially involved. We have raised our concerns with the Hong Kong government and anticipate that the authorities will intensify actions against would-be smugglers.

(D) Agreements

There are more than a dozen principal U.S. bilateral agreements that presently apply to Hong Kong. Most of these were agreements with the United Kingdom that also apply to Hong Kong. Others are concluded directly with Hong Kong under entrustment from the U.K. Bilateral discussions have not yet been conducted with the PRC concerning continued application of these agreements to the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR).

The U.S. and Hong Kong are currently negotiationg three new agreements intended to apply to the HKSAR in the period following 1997, covering air services, extradition, and bilateral investment. Hong Kong's participation in the negotiations was authorized by the Joint Liaison Group (JLG). Progress on all three agreements has been slow. The United States has completed several rounds of talks on the air services and extradition agreements with the Hong Kong government after the JLG approved the relevant model texts. Negotiations on investment protection are at a very preliminary stage.

(2) Other Developments

Other matters, including developments related to the change in the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong, affecting United States interests in Hong Kong or United States relations with Hong Kong. ( N.b. Part 7, which deals with development of democratic institutions in Hong Kong, discusses Governor Patten's electoral reform proposals and the Chinese reaction to them.)

(A) U.S. Interests in Hong Kong

The United States has an important stake in Hong Kong's future. Our interests include: (1) assuring a smooth transition from British to Chinese sovereignty; (2) continuing Hong Kong's admirable record of protection of human rights; (3) ensuring steady advances in democratic development; and (4) strengthening relations between the United States and Hong Kong. We support the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration as a viable framework for preserving the territory's separate political and economic systems over at least the next 50 years. The Joint Declaration on the future of Hong Kong provides for the establishment of a Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (HKSAR) when the PRC resumes sovereignty over Hong Kong on July 1, 1997. According to the Joint Declaration, the HKSAR will enjoy a "high degree of autonomy" except in foreign and defense affairs.

(B) China Objects to the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act

China objected to the United States-Hong Kong Policy Act. The Chinese maintain that Hong Kong is a matter between China and Britain before July 1, 1997. After that , it says, it will purely be China's internal affair. Beijing argues that U.S. adoption of domestic legislation on Hong Kong constitutes unjustified interference in China's internal affairs and violates universally acknowledged norms governing international relations.

The U.S. government has informed the PRC that the Hong Kong Policy Act is fully consistent with the spirit of the Joint Declaration. The intent of the Act is to make changes in U.S. law needed to deal with changes in Hong Kong's status in 1997. The Act aims to assist in the continuation of prosperity and confidence in Hong Kong by enabling the U.S. to respect Hong Kong's special status.

(3) United States - Hong Kong Exchanges

The nature and extent of United States-Hong Kong cultural, education, scientific and academic exchanges, both official and unofficial.

In the fall of 1991 of Henry Catto, then Director of the United States Information Agency (USIA), signed a Memorandum of Understanding with Dr. Charles Kao, Vice-Chancellor of the Chinese University of Hong Kong (CUHK). In the MOU both sides agreed to work toward the establishment of the Center for Hong Kong-American Educational Exchange, an independent organization that will seek to promote academic links between the United States and Hong Kong. The Center will open on April 27, 1993.

A major mission of the Center is to increase Hong Kong residents' understanding of the United States. It will offer workshops, seminars, and conferences on timely issues dealing with the United States, particularly as these issues affect Hong Kong.

The Center will include an American studies library. USIA has donated 7000 volumes to this library and will provide a small yearly grant to supplement the collection. Each year the Center will host a number of scholars-in-residence from the United States, and provide facilities for fellows from the PRC to pursue work in the field of American Studies. The Center is also host to the offices of the Institute for International Education (IIE), which provides educational advisory services to thousands of Hong Kong students wishing to study in the United States. USIA provides an annual grant to IIE that enables it to offer these valuable services.

USIA has agreed to provide a Fulbright Scholar each year to serve as the Director of the Center, and its Board of Governors is made up of prominent American and Hong Kong leaders from the business and academic communities. USIA and CUHK have provided seed funding to get the operation started, but basically the Center will operate on money donated by foundations, local and American businesses, as well as by private individuals.

For years the relatively small Hong Kong Fulbright Academic Exchange program has had separated status from that of the U.K. program. This year Hong Kong universities hosted three Fulbright professors and seven students. In addition, one Hong Kong professor traveled to the United States on a three-month study grant. USIS will work in the coming years to increase participation in the program by Hong Kong scholars. This will require funding form the Hong Kong government or from local private organizations. A Fulbright Commission or equivalent mechanism might make such fund-raising easier.

USIS Hong Kong continues to operate an active International Visitors Program, inviting from 10-15 prominent young Hong Kongers to the United Stated each year for 30-day visits. Included in this program have been key members of the Legislative Council, who participated in programs that enabled them to observe grassroots democracy in the United States. On these visits several legislators established contact with the Library of Congress and the Congressional Research Service. They hope to build on these first contacts to expand educational and informational ties with the United States. In addition to U.S. government-sponsored activities, Hong Kong citizens also participate frequently in private sector programs organized by the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations.

Exchanges between Hong Kong and American universities have proliferated during the last ten years. For example, the John Anderson School of Business at UCLA has a contract to operate the new School of Business at HKUST. CHUK shares a US $3 million grant with Yale to promote South China Studies. It also operated the territory's most active foreign student program, attracting almost 100 American Participants every year.

Institutional ties are also important. Even more important to Hong Kong's future, however, are the vast number of individual ties with the American educational scene. Over 12,000 Hong Kong students now attend American colleges and universities every year. In other words, one out of every 500 Hong Kong citizens is a student in the United States--the highest per capita ratio in the world. Some 55,000 graduates of American universities now live and work in the territory, nearly one out of every 100 residents of Hong Kong. This number undoubtedly will continue to grow during the coming decade.

The United States government actively encourage Hong Kong residents to visit the United States for the purposes of business, tourism, education and scientific research. In 1992, the Consulate General issued over 130,000 non immigrant visas. About 25,000 American citizens live in Hong Kong.

(4) Application of United States Laws

The laws of the United States with respect to which the application of section 201 (a) has been suspended pursuant to section 202 (a) or with respect to which such a suspension has been terminated pursuant to section 202 (d), and the reasons for the suspension of termination, as the case may be.

This section does not apply until on or after July 1, 1997.

(5) Treaties and other international agreements

Treaties and other international agreements with respect to which the President has made a determination described in the last sentence of section 201 (b), and the reasons for each such determination.

This section does not apply until on or after July 1, 1997.

(6) Significant Problems in Bilateral Cooperation on Export Controls

Significant problems in cooperation between Hong Kong and the United States in the area of export controls.

Hong Kong cooperates closely with the United States to ensure strategic goods are not diverted illegally to proscribed destinations. Hong Kong's Trade Department requires a license for the import or export of weapons or military-related equipment, nuclear, chemical, and dual use items. Trained personnel use computers to review all licenses for relationship of the level of technology to the end use involved.

Hong Kong Customs carries out preventive controls, which include routine checks of cargo at entry/exit points, and searches of vehicles and vessels to ensure that all strategic goods shipments have been approved by the Hong Kong government. Random and targeted searches are conducted; cargo manifests are scrutinized. Hong Kong Customs officers also conduct pre- and post- shipment checks at various premises to verify that strategic goods are actually delivered to the proper destinations and used for the purposes described.

During 1992, the United States determined that Hong Kong's control regime was efficient enough to warrant the benefit of license-free export of most COCOM-controlled high technology dual use goods under section 5 (k) of the Export Control Act. Since then, as before, officials from the Hong Kong and United States governments have continued to exchange information, ranging from routine checks on items under munitions controls through more serious cases where diversion has been suspected. Cooperation has been exemplary, and the United States believes that these vigorous enforcement efforts show Hong Kong's strong desire to remain a separate customs jurisdiction dedicated to the proper control of trade in strategic goods.

(7) The Development of Democratic Institutions in Hong Kong

(A) Nature of Democratic Institutions

Hong Kong is a free society with most individual freedoms and rights protected by law and custom. Citizens enjoy freedom of religion, movement, peaceful assembly and association. There is a tradition of free speech and press, although concern about self-censorship is growing as 1997 approaches. In June, 1991, the legislature passed a bill of rights, modeled on the International Covenant on Civil Political Rights. However, citizens do not have the right to change their government.

Hong Kong's constitutional arrangements are defined by the Letters Patent and Royal Instructions. The governor is appointed by and serves at the pleasure of the Crown. He is advised on policy by an Executive Council which he appoints. The governor has ultimate control of the administration of the territory but, by convention, he rarely exercises his full powers. Although fundamental rights ultimately rest on oversight by the British Parliament, in practice Hong Kong largely controls its own internal affairs.

Hong Kong's judiciary is an independent body adhering to English common law with certain variations. British legal protections and common law traditions ensure substantial and effective legal protections against arbitrary arrest or detention. The right to a fair public trial is respected.

Representative government based on universal franchise does not exist. Until 1985, all members of the Legislative Council were either government officials or appointed by the governor. In 1985, the system of indirect elections was instituted whereby 12 members (out of 57) were elected by functional constituencies ( i.e., commercial, financial, education and other professions) and another 12 by an electoral college.

The Hong Kong government did not hold its first direct elections until 1991 when 18 out of 60 legislative seats were open to election by universal suffrage. Of the rest, 21 were either appointed by the governor or encumbered by government officials. Another 21 were elected by functional constituencies.

The number of voters in each functional constituency, either on an individual or corporate basis, is comparatively small, ranging from 36 (in the case of the Regional Council) to around 53,000 eligible voters (in the case of teachers). The system has been criticized for disproportionately representing the economic and professional elites.

Political parties and independent candidates contested the directly elected seats in the 1991 elections, which were overwhelmingly won by the liberal United Democrats of Hong Kong and other like-minded individuals who favor a faster pace of democracy and a tougher stance vis-a-vis Beijing in upholding Hong Kong's autonomy. While the legislature has virtually no power to initiate legislation, it has become more forceful recently in scrutinizing executive branch actions.

(B) The Governor's Challenge: Extend Democracy within the Basic Law

When Governor Patten arrived in Hong Kong in July, 1992, his first major task was to spell out arrangements for the 1995 legislative elections. His task was to fashion a system for electing the 1995 Legislative Council (Legco) that would survive the transition to PRC rule in 1997 and continue to the end of its designated term in 1999 (the so-called "through train"). To do so, he designed a system that was consistent with the Basic Law, the "mini-constitution" for the HKSAR drafted under Chinese auspices and passed by China's National People's Congress in April, 1990; due to take effect July 1, 1997. The Basic Law called for the first HKSAR Legco (1997-99) to consist of 20 directly elected seats, the same 21 functional constituency seats elected in 1991, nine (9) new functional constituency seats, and ten (10) seats elected by a newly formed electoral commission, for a total of sixty (60) seats.

In his first policy address on October 7, 1992, Governor Patten acknowledged that the pace of democratization is "necessarily constrained" but not "stopped dead in its tracks." Since the Basic Law did not spell out the composition of the Election Committee for the first HKSAR legislature or the nine new functional constituencies, the Governor put forward a proposal to make these bodies more democratically elected. The two most notable elements were: (a) that the Election Committee draw "all or most of its members from the (newly) directly elected District Boards" and (b) that the definition of the nine new functional seats include the entire working population of 2.7 million workers.

Others elements of the electoral reform package included abolition of all appointed seats to the District Boards and the two Municipal Councils; giving the existing 21 functional constituencies a broader base by replacing all forms of corporate voting with individual voters; lowering the voting age from 21 to 18; institution of a single vote, single seat voting system; and the establishment of a Boundary and Election Commission. The Governor stated that all his proposals were compatible with the Basic Law. He emphasized these were proposals, not a final program. The Governor invited the Chinese to make counterproposals.

(C) China Denounces Patten Proposals

Following the Governor's speech, the Chinese government rejected the proposals, particularly those for the Election Committee and the nine new functional seats, which it argued were in violation of the Joint Declaration, the Basic Law, and bilateral agreements and understandings between the Chinese and British Foreign Ministers. The Chinese insisted that the Governor abandon his proposals, maintaining that the crux of the issue was not the pace of democracy, but the failure of the British to consult adequately before making the proposals public. The Chinese accused the Governor of abandoning the commitment to intensified Sino-British consultation and cooperation during the second half of the transitional period specified in the Joint Declaration. The Chinese insisted they favored democracy at the measured pace set out in the Basic Law.

The Chinese also accused the British of contravening past agreements and understandings, pointing to an exchange of correspondence between their Foreign Ministers in January-February 1990. In particular, they cited a February 12, 1990 letter from Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd to his Chinese counterpart Qian Qichen which stated that the U.K. "agree (d) in principle with the arrangements which (were) proposed for and Electoral Committee, which could be established in 1995."

The British disagreed that any agreements had been breached, arguing that the Basic Law is not specific on the point of the Election Committee; and did not spell out fully the five principles agreed between the two sides as a framework for an Election Committee system. The British argued that Annex II to the Basic Law specifically stated that the Election Committee model for the 1999 Legco election will not apply to the case of the first HKSAR legislature.

The Chinese responded that if the 1995 election arrangements do not comport to the Basic Law they would hold new elections after 1997. They also hinted that they might establish a new organization before 1997 to ensure a smooth transition. During a November London visit, Vice Premier Zhu Rongji hinted that China might repudiate the Joint Declaration.

(D) Chinese Threat to Cancel Contracts after 1997

On November 27, 1992, the senior Chinese JLG representative warned that the future HKSAR government would not honor a contract for Container Terminal Nine on the grounds that the Hong Kong government had not consulted the Chinese at the JLG. (On November 10, the Hong Kong government had offered the Container Terminal Nine development contract to two private consortia, one with a major US partner, Sea-Land.) Subsequently, on November 30, 1992, the Hong Kong and Macau Affairs Office of the PRC State Council announced that, except for certain land leases, "other contracts, leases and agreements signed and ratified by the Hong Kong British government which are not approved by the Chinese, will be invalid after June 30, 1997." The statement explained that since British rule over Hong Kong will terminate on June 30, 1997, the current government will have not right to handle any affairs after that date. Reiterating that the Chinese government continues to welcome investments in Hong Kong, the statement said that the PRC will take a "positive attitude" in examining and approving contracts, leases and agreements after June 30, 1997, on behalf of the future HKSAR.

Responding on Container Terminal Nine, the Hong Kong government said that since the project involves a land grant, not a franchise, there was no requirement to consult the Chinese at the JLG. A Hong Kong government spokesman said that the grant of land for the terminal was included in the 1992-93 land disposal program approved by the Sino-British Land Commission in March 1992 in accord with the Joint Declaration. The Hong Kong government said that the Chinese threat to scrap contracts violated the Basic Law, which stipulates that contracts which are valid under Hong Kong's existing laws will continue to be valid in the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region.

A major victim of the PRC-U.K. dispute was Hong Kong's new airport project. Despite the signing of the Sino-British Memorandum of Understanding on the new airport in September 1991, the Chinese refused to approve the financing package, making international borrowing difficult, if not impossible, and threatening costly delays in construction. Nevertheless, work began on the US $1 billion plus site preparation project and other major contracts for terminal design and transport infrastructure were let. It will be difficult to complete the airport without Chinese approval, however, mainly because international financing will be unavailable or prohibitively costly.

The Sino-British dispute polarized opinion within the Hong Kong community. Pro-democracy groups such as the United Democrats supported the proposals but argued for a faster pace of democracy to safeguard the promised "high degree of autonomy". On the other hand, many in the influential business community criticized the Governor's proposals, arguing that a smooth transition in 1997 and convergence with the Basic Law were paramount. They have called for the proposals to be scrapped in favor of models acceptable to Beijing.

In November, Legco, by a vote of 32-21, passed a motion noting that Legco is "in general support" of the reform package and urging the British and Hong Kong governments to "comply with the principles of openness, fairness and acceptability to the people of Hong Kong" in their discussions with Beijing.

Public opinion polls showed substantial support for the substance of the Governor's proposals and for him personally.

(E) Bilateral Talks to Resume?

Governor Patten stated he was not prepared to proceed with democratization at a faster pace than was acceptable to the Hong Kong people, as expressed through their representatives in the Legislature Council. The legislative package consists of two bills: one to establish a boundary and election commission and a second comprehensive one containing all other proposals. The first bill was introduced in Legco on February 10. The second bill was delayed several times while awaiting news of a resumption of Sino-British talks.

As 1993 began, the U.K. and PRC inched toward resuming negotiations on Hong Kong's political future. Among the issues under discussion during this stage were whether the Hong Kong government would continue to refrain from introducing the second Patten election reform bill for the duration of talks; what role the Hong Kong government, and in particular Hong Kong Chinese officials of the Hong Kong government, would play in U.K.-PRC negotiations; and assurances the Chinese sought from the British that whatever agreement was negotiated would be implemented without modification by the Hong Kong legislature.

However, as of the time this report was drafted, the two sides were deadlocked over the single issue of the status of Hong Kong government officials in the U.K.-PRC negotiations. After four deferrals, Governor Patten published the second election reform bill on March 12, but gave no definite date for introducing it into Legco. Senior Chinese officials attacked the Governor for "closing the door to talks," and stated that it would be "very difficult," if not "impossible," to go ahead with talks following publication of the second reform bill. China's foreign minister warned the Hong Kong government against publishing the second bill, saying this would create obstacles to the Sino-British talks.

(F) U.S. Reaction to the Governor's Proposals

The United States has reiterated that it strongly supports democracy in Hong Kong, as it does throughout the world. The U.S. believes the Governor's proposals are constructive and hopes they will receive careful attention and discussion by all concerned parties. The U.S. believe that reform of the Hong Kong government is a matter that must be worker out by the British and Chinese governments, in accordance with the Joint Declaration and in keeping with the wishes of the people of Hong Kong.

Consistent with these objectives, the U.S. hopes that U.K.-PRC negotiations resume soon. The U.S. believes any arrangements that emerge should have the support of the people of Hong Kong and lay the ground work for further development of Hong Kong's democratic institutions.

(8) Participation in Multilateral Forums

The nature and extent of Hong Kong's participation in multilateral forums. Hong Kong participates in more than 40 international organizations and associations (see list below). Hong Kong participation varies from full membership in its own right to associate membership or participation in activities without membership. The JLG has confirmed agreement on Hong Kong's continued participation in 29 international organizations after sovereignty reverts to the PRC.

Roughly 200 multilateral agreements are in force in Hong Kong. These include agreements in the fields of customs, conservation, health, trade, transport, marine pollution, drugs, international crime, science and technology and private international law. In most cases, the U.K. is the party and applies the treaties to Hong Kong. In some, Hong Kong is a party in its own right (e.g., GATT). The JLG has reached agreement on the continued application to the HKSAR of about half of these multilateral treaties. Where Hong Kong is not a party in its own right or a treaty does not provide for it to become a party in its own right, the PRC will need to take additional steps if these agreements continue to apply to Hong Kong.

Hong Kong participates in the following international organizations and associations:

Asian Development Bank
Asian and Pacific Development Center
Asia-Pacific Economic Forum
Asia-Pacific Metrology Program
Asia-Pacific Postal Union
Asia-Pacific Telecommunity
Asian Productivity Organization
Customs Cooperation Council
Economic and Social Commission for Asia
Pacific Food and Agriculture Organization
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
Intergovernmental Typhoon Committee
International Association of Lighthouse Authorities
International Association of Ports and Harbors
International Atomic Energy Agency
International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
International Civil Aviation Organization
International Criminal Police Organization
International Development Association
International Finance Corporation
International Hydrographic Organization
International Labor Organization
International Maritime Organization
International Maritime Satellite Organization
International Monetary Fund
International Organization for Standardization
International Telecommunications Satellite Organization
International Telecommunication Union
Multilateral Investment Guarantee Agency
National Conference of Standards Laboratories
Organization for the Network of Aquaculture Centers in Asia and Pacific
Statistical Institute for Asia and the Pacific
United Nations Commission on Narcotic Drugs
United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
United Nations Development Program
United Nations Environment Program
United Nations Fund for Drug Abuse Control
United Nations Fund for Population Activities
Universal Postal Union
World Health Organization
World Intellectual Property
World Meteorological Organization