U.S. and Hong Kong (1985-1997)

Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright - Remarks at the United States Naval Academy (4/15/1997)

Secretary of State Madeleine K. Albright
Remarks at the United States Naval Academy
Annapolis, Maryland, April 15, 1997
As released by the Office of the Spokesman
U.S. Department of State

Text as Prepared for Delivery

1997 Forrestal Lecture: "American Principle and Purpose in East Asia"

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Another important element in the U.S.-China dialogue is our interest in the future of Hong Kong.

Two centuries ago, Hong Kong was a treeless granite island populated by leopards, tigers, mongooses, butterflies and what has been described as "an unusual variety of newt". Today, it is a vital and astonishing center of global commerce. I am a skeptic about the human ability to predict the future, but I pay homage to the 12th century Chinese poet who imagined a Hong Kong ablaze "with a host of stars in the deep night and a multitude of ships passing to and fro within the harbor."

On July 1, less than ninety days from now, the world will watch with a mixture of hope and concern as Hong Kong reverts to Chinese sovereignty. The United States supports this reversion under the terms of the 1984 Sino-British Joint Declaration, which calls for the preservation of Hong Kong's high degree of autonomy and its way of life and basic freedoms.

As I assured Martin Lee, the leader of Hong Kong's largest democratic party, in a meeting I held with him yesterday, the United States is deeply committed to freedom and democracy in Hong Kong, as elsewhere.

In addition, 40,000 Americans live in Hong Kong; our citizens have $13 billion in investments there; and we have an interest in law enforcement cooperation and in port access for Navy ships. Advancing these interests depends on the rule of law and protection of civil liberties in Hong Kong.

Accordingly, I have decided to accept the invitation of the British and Chinese Governments to represent the United States at the reversion ceremony in July. By so doing, I will underline American support for the continuation of Hong Kong's current way of life and freedoms. And I will emphasize America's continued involvement in protecting our interests and supporting Hong Kong's people as they enter the Chinese nation.

A major area of disagreement between the United States and China is human rights. We recognize that the Chinese people today possess far more options in their daily lives than did their parents. Progress has also been made in revising civil and criminal law and in permitting a degree of choice in village elections.

China is changing, but the Chinese government's repression of political dissent has not.

The United States will continue to shine the spotlight on egregious violations of internationally-recognized human rights in China, as elsewhere. The world cannot and should not be allowed to forget dissidents such as Wei Jingsheng and Wang Dan, both of whom have been sentenced to long terms in jail for their non-violent support of democracy.

We have expressed to China particular interest in seeing the release of those imprisoned for the peaceful expression of political, religious, or social views and, as a first step, the release on medical parole of those who are eligible. We have urged that international humanitarian organizations be given access to prisoners. And we have stressed the value of resuming negotiations between Beijing and the Dalai Lama for the purpose of preserving Tibet's unique cultural, linguistic, and religious heritage within China.

Earlier today, the UN Human Rights Commission decided not to consider a resolution we had cosponsored that would have urged China to improve its human rights practices. We regret that decision. We congratulate the Government of Denmark for sponsoring the Resolution and the others who cosponsored it.

The Clinton Administration views human rights as an essential part of what our country is all about. We recognize that no nation is perfect, and that none has all the answers. But we also believe that human rights are a legitimate subject for discussion among nations. On this, we differ with China. But we also differ with those who believe that the way to improve human rights conditions in China would be to deny to that country the trading status we accord to most others.

For years, the debate in Washington linking trade to human rights in China has raged. And for years, it has failed to advance American interests or to produce progress in China.

Instead, this debate has divided us, and blurred the focus we should be putting on Chinese practices. The debate has also created the perception that our economic ties to the PRC and our concerns about human rights are in opposition when, in fact, they are two sides of the same coin. Economic openness and political liberalization are not identical, but they do reinforce each other. Both add to China's integration within the world community.

As Americans, we all enjoy a good debate, but we should also realize that--in this debate--we all have the same goal. And that goal is a China that is a responsible and deeply engaged participant in the international system, and that is meeting international norms including those that concern the treatment of its own people.

The strategic dialogue between the United States and China is not based on any particular presumptions about the future. On the contrary, it is designed to influence the future in a manner that serves the interests of both countries, the region and the world.

Later this month, we will welcome Vice Premier Qian Qichen to Washington. And later this year, we look forward to a meeting between President Clinton and China's President Jiang Zemin. Throughout, we will continue efforts to narrow differences, expand cooperation and build understanding. And we anticipate that the larger process of increased ties between the American and Chinese peoples will accelerate with profoundly positive results.

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